Another Detroit Sanctioned Los Coyotes Leadership Coup; plus Lawsuits, Arson, Blackwater and "Bonfiglio?"

The Eagle Fire started when a Los Coyotes member torched an
Eagle Rock guard shack. - Photo courtesy of Cal Fire San Diego

Clearly the Detroiters using the Los Coyotes Tribe as a tool to achieve their dreams of developing and running  a casino in Barstow (CA) are catalysts, if not wholly responsible for, this upheaval  (updated in the excerpts below from SDCityBeat.com) at the Los Coyotes Reservation.

As you read this, consider that the character mentioned in the article as Shane Chapparosa is a tool of the Detroit casino interests.  Whenever they fear trouble, they trot him out, prop him up – and reward him – to act as the new Chair of the tribe.  At least twice before the Detroiters have had to “arrange” for his leadership of the tribe when the then-true-leader attempts to take the tribe in a direction that might not be in the Detroiters’ best interest.

SDCityBeat.com

But since June, Los Coyotes—a tribe of about 300 members—has been trying to boot the company off its land, claiming the lease was never valid. The conflict has since escalated to a series of showdowns, which ERTC alleges led to the arson [allegedly STARTED BY TWO TRIBAL MEMBERS] that caused the 14,000-acre Eagle fire in July...

An eviction deadline was extended until July 29 as the parties continued to negotiate. The tribe asked to review upcoming training plans, which it would evaluate before allowing them to proceed. Meanwhile, ERTC began to threaten legal action if the Notice to Vacate was not rescinded. It was against this backdrop that tribal member and former ERTC employee Jeremy Ortiz and Jesse Durbin allegedly stole ERTC surveillance cameras, then poured gasoline on an ERTC guard shack and set it alight, kicking off the Eagle fire. Ortiz admitted to the crime, according to an arrest warrant in the criminal case file.

...During the last two weeks, the dispute has come to a head, with tribal police informing ERTC that its employees, customers and equipment would be ejected from the reservation. In response, ERTC filed a federal lawsuit on Sept. 16, asking for a temporary restraining order. The request was withdrawn when the tribe temporarily agreed to allow a military training event scheduled for Sept. 21 to go ahead. The overall dispute has not been resolved.

In filing the suit, ERTC released dozens of pages of records, including contracts, plans and correspondence that shine a light on how the military contractor attempted to bypass state and county regulations by building on Indian land.

As early as 2006, former Blackwater Vice President Brian Bonfiglio wanted to build a training facility in San Diego County. The initial plans were abandoned in 2008, following significant community outcry (though Bonfiglio asserted the activism had no impact on the decision). Around the same time, he approached the Los Coyotes tribe, an impoverished community that had long struggled to find a way to capitalize on land that was otherwise unsuitable for commercial development...

Brian “Bonfiglio?”  Interesting, because the Detroiters (Michael Malik/MJM Enterprises) at one time employed Barbara Bonfiglio, a rather connected GOP lobbyist in Washington, D.C.  Ms. Bonfiglio was so well connected that she got caught up in the political scandals that brought down House Speaker Tom DeLay, Senator Rick Santorum, and Reps. Richard Pombo and Don Young.  Then one day, without notice, she packed up her desk at Williams & Jensen, and went under the radar.  The firm was tight-lipped about her departure.  She’s since surfaced as an executive at Pfizer.

...In March 2010, Bonfiglio struck a six-year deal with the tribe’s chairperson, Francine Kupsch, under which the facility would be built on the reservation and the tribe would receive a 10-percent slice of the profits. In November 2010, Kupsch authorized an extension of the lease until 2035, with the added requirement that ERTC build a children’s playground and a 1,250-square-foot tribal office and hall. Two tribal members who owned part of the land that would become an asphalt driving track would receive $500 in monthly rent. The agreement also included a waiver of the tribe’s right to sovereign immunity from the U.S. court system.

What the document does not contain was the tribe’s official seal of approval, even though there’s a place for it on the agreement.

Kupsch was replaced as chairperson on Jan. 1 by Shane Chapparosa, under whose watch the tribe developed concerns with the 25-year agreement.... (Complete Story at SDCityBeat.com)

Poor Francine Kupsch, when she was of use to the Malik & his Detroiters, they trotted her out in Sacramento, exploited her personal circumstances with photos and stories they sent out over PR wires and had her stage a hunger-strike/sit-in on the grounds of the State Capitol.  Now, they’ve had her tossed out as Chair!  [Note to Tribal Chairs:  whenever the Detroiters, aka the bully Mike Malik, fear they’re losing their grip on your Tribe, they arrange a coup and toss out the Chair.  Take a look at the case of Los Coyotes respected elder Katherine Siva Saubel; or one-time Bay Mills Indian Community leader John Lufkins.]

Worth Consideration:  Los Coyotes, Barwest, Michael Malik ↔ Barbara Bonfiglio ↔ DeLay, Santorum, etc. ↔ GOP  ↔ Bush ↔ Texas ↔ Blackwater ↔ ERTC ↔ Brian Bonfiglio ↔ Los Coyotes

Scandal Continues to Plague Political and Lobbying Activities of Detroiters Bankrolling Shinnecock Casino Plans

For more than a decade, campaign contributions and lobbying fees doled out by Michael J. Malik, Sr. and his partners in the Ilitch Family are often attached to controversy, scandal, alleged corruption and illegal activities.  Consider that in 2010, Mrs. Michael Malik was forced to tell a Detroit-area Court that he had a consistent “pattern of bullying, intimidation and influence peddling.”

1^st Campaign Contribution Controversy Verified in the Media: 

Governor under Fire for Accepting Malik’s Money

In 1998, an investigation by the Augusta Chronicle revealed then-South Carolina Governor David Beasley had accepted campaign contributions from Detroit casino interests, namely Michael Malik and Tom Celani, an earlier Malik gaming partner.  They had played significant roles in a fundraiser organized for the South Carolina Governor in Detroit. 

At the time, South Carolina had no legalized gambling and the Governor had taken a public pledge not to accept or be influenced by gambling money.  While Malik and Celani helped bankroll a 1996 campaign to approve gambling in Detroit and were by 1998 affiliated with gambling interests some of which they controlled, no casinos had yet been approved or built in Detroit.  It was not common consideration that Detroit money might be gambling money.

Clearly, the hope was that people in South Carolina would not realize that contributions raised in Detroit were directly from those heavily invested in or affiliated with gambling. (Beasley Donors Disputed; Augusta Chronicle; 8.03.98)

Reporters & Watchdogs Make Case for All-Star Congressional Influence Peddling

On the eve of Major League Baseball’s 2005 All-Star Game (Detroit), an AP reporter broke a story about a $5,000 per head fundraiser being held in Detroit during the All-Star events to benefit then-Congressman Richard Pombo.  He was chair of the congressional committee overseeing Indian matters.  (Pombo no All-Star in watchdog group’s eyes; Associated Press; 7.13.2005)

Hosts of the All-Star Game fundraiser for Pombo were Malik and Christopher Ilitch, CEO of Ilitch Holdings.  His parents are Detroit Tiger’s owner Michael Ilitch and Marian Ilitch, Malik’s partner who reportedly has bankrolled the Shinnecock Indian Nation’s efforts to win approvals needed to establish gaming on Long Island. Perhaps most controversial was the timing of events.  Less than 48 hours after the Malik/Ilitch All-Star fundraiser, Pombo had scheduled a congressional hearing with an agenda item that read “Status of Settling Recognized Tribes’ Land Claims in the state of New York.”

For several congressional election cycles, the Ilitch Family and Malik had collectively been among Pombo’s top tier of donors. They had hosted or participated (bundling) in fundraisers on his behalf and also were flying him around the U.S. in a private jet. All they had invested in Rep. Pombo had remained under the radar until the All-Star Game story broke.  The watchdog groups Common Cause and Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) helped break the story and kept the controversy alive for the remainder of the 2006 elections. Congressman Pombo failed to win re-election.

Failed to Disclose $26,600 Campaign Contribution; Fined $6,500 in CA

In 2004, the year before the All-Star Game controversy, Barwest, a Malik/Ilitch casino affiliate bankrolling attempts to secure approvals of various Indian gaming proposals in Barstow, CA, had quietly contributed $26,600 to Pombo’s local GOP Central Committee.  Malik failed to report the Barwest contribution to California election officials.  California’s Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC) became aware of the possible violations of that state’s political reform laws and an investigation got underway.  In 2006, the FPPC found Malik’s Barwest violated state election law on two counts and fined Malik $6,500. (Press Release; California Fair Political Practices Commission; 10.24.2006)

Career Ending All-Star Scandals; Congressional Investigations

In 2003, Barbara Bonfiglio, the controversial Washington D.C. attorney/lobbyist/PAC treasurer, signed casino syndicator Michael Malik‘s MJM Enterprises & Development as a lobbying client of her firm Williams & Jensen. Malik paid Bonfiglio $220,000 between 2003 & 2005. Malik had matters before committees chaired by Reps. Richard Pombo, Don Young and Jerry Lewis -- Bonfiglio served as PAC treasurer/advisor to these members' leadership committees. In the midst of various GOP scandals including that involving House Speaker Tom DeLay, TPM Muckracker reported that Bonfiglio abruptly left Williams & Jensen in March 2006 and resigned as treasurer/advisor to various PACs and fundraising committees for Sen. Rick Santorum and Reps. Tom DeLay, Richard Pombo, Jerry Lewis, Don Young and others. She was subpoenaed at least once, in 2004, in connection with the DeLay corruption scandals. Malik distanced himself and affiliates from Bonfiglio but continued to invest heavily in her friends Pombo (Natural Resources/Native America Affairs), Young (Transportation) & Lewis (Appropriation).

Continued Affiliation with Controversial D.C. Lobbyists

When Malik left the Williams & Jensen lobbying firm, he took his business to Potomac Partners and lobbyist Richard Alcalde.  Alcalde particularly had a close relationship with Congressman Jerry Lewis, whose congressional district included the California desert community of Barstow, one of the communities where Malik/Ilitch have tried to build a casino.  At that time, Lewis was also the chair of the House Appropriations Committee.  Malik/Ilitch were hoping to get federal funds to support casino-related projects in Port Huron, Michigan, and other funds to support business ventures Malik pursues with the Bay Mills Indian Community.  Again, controversy ensued when the Washington Post reported that D.C. based Potomac Partners (Alcalde) was paying Lewis’ Las Vegas-based step-daughter to be a "strategic partner." 

Further, nearly all of Malik’s other affiliates and Indian partners had contracts with Wheat Government Relations, the lobbying firm of former Congressman Alan Wheat.  But in truth Wheat was funneling the funds to the Kessler & Associates (lobbyists Richard S. Kessler, Billy Lee Evans).  With the funds to Kessler funneled through Wheat, Kessler could avoid publicly disclosing the firm was a lobbying for Malik, Malik’s affiliates and partners, and “Gaming” or “Native American” interests.  In 2004 alone, Malik/Wheat paid Kessler almost $300,000 using that scheme. In all Kessler was paid nearly $600,000. The following circumstances unfolded after the scheme filtering payments to Kessler & Associates was exposed: the Kessler firm submit revised disclosure documents recategorizing the Wheat client work as involving issues of Indian/Native American Affairs or Gaming, Gambling & Casinos; Billy Lee Evans ceased his lobbying career in 2007; and in 2008, Kessler & Associates was disbanded.  Richard Kessler formed Hamilton Advisors in 2008 and has lobbied on behalf of one or two clients each year since.  The Wheat firm has continued to lobby on behalf of various Malik/Ilitch affiliates and partners.

Failed To Disclose Another 17 CA Contributions Totaling $26,500; Fined Again!

In 2006, Malik/Ilitch believed they were close to getting a gaming Compact approved in California. Governor Schwarzenegger had negotiated an amended Compact with the Los Coyotes Band of Indians, the tribe Malik/Ilitch bankrolled in California. That Compact was pending ratification by the State’s legislature.  Malik/Ilitch and their affiliates contributed heavily to those who would sit on the committees that would make the initial recommendation to ratify.  At the same time, California’s FPPC was wrapping up its investigation into the 2004 failure by Malik/Barwest to disclose the $26,600 to Pombo’s GOP Central Committee.  Malik was spending thousands to influence legislators in 2006 and despite the experience of the previous 2-year FPPC investigation and a significant fine, when he filed his official year-end 2006 major donor campaign disclosure reports, he indicated $0.00 in campaign contributions during the second half of 2006 when, in fact, he had actually given 17 lawmakers a total of $26,500.  Another FPPC investigation ensued and in 2009 the FPPC found Malik had violated California’s campaign reform laws in 2006 and this time fined $4,000. (Press Release; FPPC; 2.19.2009)

Malik’s NY Contributions Bring Controversy; NY Candidates Return Funds

During the 2010 campaign cycle Malik/Ilitch again focused their political contributions toward New York and candidates who might influence decisions that would allow them to expand gaming opportunities with the Shinnecock Indian Nation. Notably efforts to win approval to build a casino and other commercial development near the Belmont Park & Race Track on Long Island. They gave the maximum to New York’s U.S. Senators Charles Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand. They sought to influence county and state lawmakers and Malik contributed to the campaign of now Governor Andrew Cuomo.  Contributions he made in New York races for the House of Representatives and State Senate became campaign liabilities.  News Day started reporting on the controversy surrounding Malik.  Several candidates including State Senators Jeff Klein and Craig Johnson reported returning Malik’s contributions. (Sens. Johnson, Klein to return Malik contributions; Daily News; 10.13.2010) Congressman Tim Bishop said he would return the funds too.

And now, there are questions surrounding the reporting of $15K Gov. Cuomo accepted from Malik.

Nearly $8 Million to Influence Lawmakers; Bordering on Unethical and Breaking Laws; and for the Purpose of Advancing Gaming Plans Fronted by Native Americans

Throughout the first decade of the 21^st Century, Malik/Ilitch and their affiliates have paid lobbyists more than $6,500,000 dollars and funneled more than $1,200,000 to politicians almost exclusively for the purposes of influencing matters of gambling, Native American affairs and transportation appropriations related to, as of yet unapproved, casino development projects they have pursued in three states (Bay Mills Indian Community – Port Huron, MI; Los Coyotes Band of Indians – Barstow, CA; Shinnecock Indian Nation – Long Island, NY).  Allegations of corruption and influence peddling and findings of illegal activity swirl around these Detroit casino syndicators and those they touch. And consider the possibilities that there are other investors behind the dozens of Malik/Ilitch gaming affiliates.  Who are they? What are their histories? Who are they contributing to or lobbying? What is their influence?

Reference Sources:

Search D.C. Lobbyists, Lobbying Firms, Lobbying Clients at OpenSecrets.org

Search Donors to Federal Campaigns Committees at OpenSecrets.org

Search Michigan Political Donors,  Lobbyists, Registered Casino Interests

Search California Political Donors,  FPPC

Search New York Political Donors

TheVerifiableTruth.com

See also:

• Controversy seems to always follow Detroit Casino Syndicator Michael MalikWhy is Detroiter Mike Malik Michael Malik: The Latest Life & Times of a Detroit Casino SyndicatorDragging former Hawaii Governor Waihee around Long Island, NY?
• Strange Bedfellows: Hawaii's Former Governor & Detroit's Gambling Promoter?
• Disclosure? And their tangled web: Detroiter Michael Malik, the Jack Utsick Ponzi Scheme, Shinnecock & Bay Mills Indians, and Akerman Senterfitt

•  To Bypass Carcieri and Other Off-Reservation Casino Hurdles, Detroiters Plan Introduction of "Mandatory Acquisition Legislation" in Congress
• It's Carcieri not Malik that poses Bigger Problems for the Shinnecock Nation
• What They Won't Tell You: Insights on Gateway Casino Resorts, its Detroit Organizers and Their Plans for Shinnecock Casinos

Former controversial PAC treasurer Bonfiglio is Pfizer PAC secretary

Barbara Bonfiglio, the controversial attorney/lobbyist/PAC treasurer who'd previously been at the D.C. lobbying/law firm Williams & Jensen is now Senior Corporate Counsel at the drug-maker Pfizer, Inc.

In 2003, Bonfiglio signed casino syndicator Michael Malik (MJM Enterprises & Development) as a client of Williams & Jensen. Malik paid Bonfiglio $220,000 between 2003 & 2005. Malik had matters before committees chaired by Reps. Richard Pombo, Don Young and Jerry Lewis -- Bonfigilio served as treasurer/advisor to these members' leadership PACs.

TPM Muckracker reported that Bonfiglio abruptly left Williams & Jensen in March 2006 and resigned as treasurer/advisor to various PACs and fundraising committees for Sen. Rick Santorum and Reps. Tom DeLay, Richard Pombo, Jerry Lewis, Don Young and others. She was subpoenaed at least once, in 2004, in connection with the DeLay scandals.

The Pfizer PAC's 2005-2006 Published Report notes that Bonfiglio was Secretary of Pfizer PAC. During the 2006 election cycle, Pfizer PAC contributed $3,678,493 to federal committees.

Among the small army of lobbying firms employed by Pfizer, Inc., Bonfiglio's former law/lobbying firm Williams & Jensen. Serving as one of Pfizer's lobbyists at W&J is Susan Hirschmann (DeLay's former Chief of Staff). The ladies are apparently close personal friends.

Bonfiglio reported that Hirschmann was a lobbyist for Malik's MJM Enterprises & Development between 2003 & 2005.

Bonfiglio, Senior Corporate Counsel in the D.C. offices of Pfizer, was listed among the "Distinguished Faculty" who spoke at the American Conference Institute's 2008 Corporate Lobbying and Government Affairs Conference.

Bonfiglio contributed $26,722 to various federal committees and PACs since 2005.

A Case of Abramoff-Lite: Pombo was doing favors for his Motor City Casino friends

a case of Abramoff-Lite: Rep. Richard Pombo was doing favors for his friends the Detroit casino syndicators on the same track he was advancing Northern Mariana Islands matters.

Rep. Richard Pombo was doing favors for his friends the Detroit casino syndicators; in turn they were funneling tens of thousands of dollars to Pombo’s committees, causes and friends. Although Pombo is no longer in office, these students of Abramoff and their Indian partners are still at play inside the D.C. Beltway.

While the Ilitch Family and Michael Malik, along with their lawyers and lobbyists, were contributing to Rep. Richard Pombo’s political committees and favorite causes, Pombo took advantage of his role as Chairman of the House Resources Committee and attempted in both the 108^th and 109^th Congresses to quietly slip through bills that would give favor and advantage to the Shinnecock Indian Nation, a tribe whose legal and public relations pursuits are being bankrolled by Ilitch & Malik.

Both bills had minimal exposure and then late in their respective sessions of Congress were reported in the House and placed on the Union Calendar for future vote of the whole House: H.R. 5134 (on Nov. 19, 2004); H.R. 512 (on Sept. 28, 2006). That’s as far as they got.

Both bills would have demanded the Secretary of Interior immediately review the Shinnecock Indian Nation’s petition for Federal Recognition and give a determination. If the Secretary failed to meet the Pombo deadline or didn’t rule favorably toward Pombo’s friends, both bills gave the Shinnecock the ability to appeal the in-action or negative decision in Federal court – a path that the Shinnecock have previously taken, which had outcomes favorable to the tribe.

The Shinnecock seek federal recognition as a tribe in order to build a Las-Vegas style casino and resort in the Hampton Bays area of Long Island, NY. Ilitch & Malik, under the veil of Gateway Casino Resorts (or Gateway Funding Associates), have been bankrolling legal, lobbying and public relations efforts to support the tribe in exchange for up to 30% of the future casino profits and development rights.

Ilitch & Malik want the matter expedited because each day that goes by without approvals that could lead to a groundbreaking or ribbon cutting for an anticipated Shinnecock casino in the Hampton Bays area of Long Island costs the pair of “investors” more money.

An Associated Press story written by Erica Werner in July 2005 raised questions about the timing of Ilitch/Malik hosted fundraising events to benefit Pombo in Detroit during the MLB 2005 All-Star Game and a hearing scheduled two days later in Washington D.C. that could possibly have had an impact on the Shinnecock pursuits. There are no noted press reports suggestig there was any awareness of Pombos attempts to assist his friends with H.R. 5134 or H.R. 512.

Gratuities to Pombo from the Detroit casino syndicators include:

• $16,000 from Mike & Marian Ilitch, and Michael Malik to RICH PAC (earning them #9 and #5 spots respectively on RICH PAC’s “Top Ten” individual donors list for ’04 and ’06; Jack Abramoff was #10);

• Total of more than $40,000+ for RICH PAC including contributions from various Ilitch lobbying firms (from $11,500 bundled on May 18, 2004 – $15,500 bundled on December 7, 2005);

• $26,600 to the San Joaquin County GOP Committee (Pombo’s home party organization) on October 18, 2004 from Detroit-based Barwest (Ilitch/Malik entity doing business in Barstow, Calif.);

• A $5,000 per head fundraiser at the 2005 MLB All-Star Game in Detroit (total proceeds unknown as there are no related contributions noted in Pombo’s campaign committee or RICH PAC disclosures despite aides to Pombo indicating he was the beneficiary of the event);

• Various travel arrangements;

• $50,000 to the RNC recorded the day after (7/13/05)the All-Star Game fundraiser ($25,000 each from Michae l J. Malik and Christopher Ilitch);

• $220,000 lobbying contract signed by Barbara Bonfiglio on behalf of Williams & Jensen to represent Malik’s MJM Enterprises and Development during the period Bonfiglio was also RICH PAC treasurer.

H.R. 5134 - Congressional Actions

• 9/23/2004: Referred to the House Committee on Resources.

• 9/29/2004: Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by Voice Vote.

• 11/19/2004 7:51pm: Reported (Amended) by the Committee on Resources. H. Rept. 108-788.

• 11/19/2004 7:51pm: Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 482.

H.R. 512 - Congressional Actions

• 2/2/2005: Referred to the House Committee on Resources.

• 2/10/2005: Committee Hearings Held. (1st published hearing of the session; Shinnecock only testimony outside government; 14 of 46 Members noted as present)

• 6/21/2006: Committee Consideration and Mark-up Session Held.

• 6/21/2006: Ordered to be Reported by Voice Vote.

• 9/28/2006 4:28pm: Reported by the Committee on Resources. H. Rept. 109-694.

• 9/28/2006 4:33pm: Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 419

Pombo introduced H.R. 5134 in the House the same day he introduced H.R. 5135, “To provide for a nonvoting delegate to the House of Representatives to represent the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.” Six days later both bills were put before a vote of the Resource Committee, without either having been the subject of a previous hearing. Pombo introduced amendments to the bill he had introduced less than a week earlier in the form of a substitute bill. The committee voted and ordered the matters be reported to the full House. Pombo’s troubles in the Abramoff scandal have been tied to matters of the Northern Mariana Islands.

Although Rep. Pombo was clearly attempting to railroad approval of H.R. 5134 (and H.R. 5135); H.R. 5134 failed to win approval from the whole House in the 108^th Congress.

Pombo was not deterred. He reintroduced the bill as H.R. 512 one month into the 109^th Congress and his committee promptly “heard” the matter a week later.

The controversy surrounding the Ilitch/Malik hosted All-Star Game fundraising benefit for Pombo broke during Summer 2005 and the activities of Pombo and associates like his PAC Treasurer and former lobbyist Barbara Bonfiglio were increasingly being questioned.

Pombo severed his ties with Bonfiglio in March 2006 approximately six months after disclosure reports indicate her ties with Ilitch/Malik (for which she had been paid $220,000) were severed.

It had been 16-17 months since any formal action on H.R. 512.

Shortly after the June 2006 primary election, the Resources Committee held a routine mark-up session on what the Daily Digest indicated were “miscellaneous matters.” On June 21, 2006 the House Resources Committee reviewed more than two dozen bills including H.R. 512. The committee ordered by voice vote that reports be printed and advanced on certain of the various bills reviewed. H.R. 512 was reported to the Whole House three months later.

On September 28, at a time when the press and most others were focused on the many political campaign stories underway in the Fall elections, the report was presented and slipped into the hopper for a future vote of the whole House. All or part of the report prepared for the full House was part of the report he had ordered printed in 2004 because it appears that on the GPO printed version of Report 109-694, page six, third to the last paragraph of the section "COMPLIANCE WITH HOUSE RULE XIII" the report's author failed to replace "H.R. 5134" with "H.R. 512."

Pombo faced defeat at the polls on election day 2006 and there appears to have been no further action on H.R. 512.

Marian Ilitch and her family along with Michael J. Malik, Sr. have not been deterred by the loss of their political steward Richard Pombo. They still aggressively pursue plans to expand their Michigan casino empire through ventures with:

• the Shinnecock Indian Nation, seeking federal recognition and the opportunity to develop a casino complex in the posh Hamptons resort area of Long Island in New York;

• the Bay Mills Indian Community, using questionable land claims as leverage to get approvals to develop a third tribal casino off reservation in Port Huron, Mich.; and

• the Los Coyotes and Big Lagoon Rancheria Bands of Indians in California, two tribes Ilitch & company have adopted for the purposes of relocating planned tribal casinos across state to the Mohave Desert community of Barstow, where Ilitch owns more than 100 acres alongside I-15, half-way between the southern California basin and Las Vegas.

politics

originally posted 5.10.07

FOUND: Former lobbyist/PAC treasurer Barbara Bonfiglio landed role as Senior Corporate Counsel at Pfizer, Inc.

Barbara W. Bonfiglio, was a onetime Williams & Jensen high-powered attorney who served as Capitol Hill lobbyist as well as treasurer to as many as 36 political action committees and other organizations -- many with unfortunate histories of taking shady donations and facing other ethical challenges -- for lawmaker clients including Rep. Tom DeLay (R-TX), Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA), former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-CA), Rep. Jerry Lewis (R-CA), former Rep. Richard Pombo (R-CA) and other GOP Members of Congress.

Bonfiglio had signed Detroit casino syndicators Michael J. Malik, Sr. and his MJM Enterprises and Development as clients of Williams & Jensen beginning in 2003 to lobby on Indian and Indian gaming matters. Malik paid Bonfiglio’s firm more than $220,000 for services. Malik, and his partners, Detroit's Ilitch Family, contributed or helped raise nearly $100,000 for former Rep. Richard Pombo and his favorite committees while both Malik & Pombo were Bonfiglio clients.

In March 2006, Bonfiglio abruptly quit the Williams & Jensen "superfirm." The lobbyist/PAC treasurer’s departure was sudden, secretive and immediate. At the time the managing partner at Williams & Jensen merely indicated that Barbara Bonfiglio had left the firm to become a "senior compliance officer" at an unnamed Fortune 100 company.

A review of political campaign contribution records at Newsmeat.com indicates beginning about June 1, 2006, Barbara W. Bonfiglio joined Pfizer, Inc. as Senior Corporate Counsel. Bonfiglio has contributed $200 a month to the Pfizer, Inc. PAC most every month beginning June 30, 2006 through May 31, 2007.

CleanUpWashington.org | Hall of Shame | The Story on Hall of Shame Candidate Rep. Jerry Lewis

" ...Named to direct the PAC was Julia Willis-Leon, a former Las Vegas wedding planner. Willis-Leon is [Rep. Jerry]Lewis’s stepdaughter by dint of Lewis’s marriage to her mother, Arlene Willis. Arlene Willis is also Lewis’s staff director.[14]

"The PAC, Barbara Bonfiglio was PAC treasurer, raised $121,550 during the 2006 election cycle and spent $88,498 (though October 18, 2006). Less than 20 percent of the PAC’s expenditures ($15,600) were for contributions to candidates or committees, while the rest was spent on overhead and fundraising. More than 60 percent of the expenditures ($56,012) went to Willis-Leon.[15]

"...[Julia]Willis-Leon also received “$40,000 to $50,000” between mid-2005 and mid-2006 from lobbying firm Potomac Partners DC to provide strategic advice to the firm, according to Potomac Partners’ President Richard Alcade. As of mid-2006, at least six of Alcade’s 13 clients had business before Lewis’s committee.[16]..."

Marian Ilitch's casino syndication partner Michael J. Malik has history with these individuals:

• He's a donor/pal to Rep. Lewis and wants to build casinos in Barstow which is often part of Lewis' district.


• Barbara Bonfiglio signed him for lobbying representation by her firm Williams & Jensen but she was PAC treasurer for each of these members and others. She quit her firm abruptly and went into hiding. When Bonfiglio's name surfaced in various investigations Malik left her firm and went to Richard Alcalde, who had just formed Potomac Partners DC.


• As it ends up Alcalde's practices are under scrutiny as well. The Washington Post revealed Alcalde had retained Rep. Lewis step-daughter as an on-call consultant and that half of Alcalde's clients had business before House Appropriations which was chaired by Rep. Lewis at the time.


• Alcalde hired the young inexperienced son of Rep. John Doolittle's top political operative John Feliz (also a top advisor to former Rep. Richard Pombo) to help him represent Malik, Ilitch interests (MJM Enterprises and Shinnecock Indian Nation). Malik retained the young man under seperate cover to work on matters for Malik affiliate Blue Water Resorts too.

[14] Jerry Kammer, “Contractor Adds Layer to Rep. Lewis Sphere,” Copley News Service, June 24, 2006.

[15] Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission records provided by the Center for Responsive Politics (available at www.opensecrets.org). See also, Jerry Kammer, “Contractor Adds Layer to Rep. Lewis Sphere,” Copley News Service, June 24, 2006.

[16] Charles R. Babcock, “Relative of Hill Panel Chairman Scrutinized,” Washington Post, June 18, 2006

Where in the world is Barbara Bonfiglio?

as posted 3.09.06 at Attytood.com:

UPDATE: The managing partner at Williams & Jensen tells us that Barbara Bonfiglio has left the firm to become a "senior compliance officer" at an unnamed Fortune 100 company. Will post more later if we learn more.

People who've been following our Rick Santorum coverage lately may know the name Barbara Bonfiglio. She's a one-time inside-the-Beltway lobbyist who still works for a leading governmental affairs shop, and who has pulled triple-duty for Pa's junior senator, as treasurer of his campaign fund; his leadership PAC, America's Foundation; and of his controversial charity/not charity, the Operation Good Neighbor Foundation.

Tonight, the ex-lobbyist who does Santorum's books has become a woman of mystery.

Bonfiglio is apparently out at Williams & Jensen, just days after she surfaced to write a letter defending the spending practices and the failure to register at the Santorum-founded Operation Good Neighbor. The wording in this Stockton (Calif.) Record article suggests she abruptly left there on Tuesday. We placed several calls to W&J, which didn't deny the report but -- perhaps because of some missed connections -- also did not provide any new information. (There's more in the Daily Muck.)

We've also emailed the Santorum campaign, though given our recent history we don't know if they'll get back to us. One other "leadership PAC," belonging to U.S. Rep. Richard Pombo of California, said it has severed its ties with Bonfiglio.

In hindsight, it's odd that Bonfiglio hasn't gotten more scrutiny before now. It's not exactly clear how many political committees that she oversees, although it's at least several dozen. Here's what the Center for Public Integrity said about her:

During her tenure as a lobbyist from 1998 to 2001, Bonfiglio mastered the demanding jobs of both overseeing the finances of 31 political committees—more than half of which were campaign committees and leadership PACs—while lobbying for six companies at the D.C. law firm Williams & Jensen. In addition to running FEC-regulated committees, Bonfiglio was also the treasurer of five 527 organizations once connected to Members of Congress, which were allowed to raise money without contribution limits.

In 2004, Bonfiglio's work for one of those politicians -- Tom DeLay (you may have heard of him?...he was in all of the papers) -- caused Texas lawman Ronnie Earle to serve her with a subpoena. And you may also know about one of Bonfiglio's other "leadership PAC" clients, Randy "Duke" Cunningham, who was just nailed for taking a whopping $2.4 million in bribes.

Suddenly, there's a certain irony in the title of Bonfiglio's book on campaign finance issues. It's called, "How to Cross the Potomac Without Falling In."

Here's how TPMmuckracker.com reported Bonfiglio's departure from Williams & Jensen

posted 3.09.06 at TPMmuckraker.com:

GOP Money Operative Quits Firm, Pombo

Barbara Bonfiglio, who was once treasurer to political action committees and other organizations for ethically challenged lawmakers Rep. Tom DeLay (R-TX), Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA), former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-CA) and others, just quit D.C. superfirm Williams & Jensen. She also stepped down from her post as treasurer of Rep. Richard Pombo's (R-CA) RichPAC.

Bonfiglio's got a colorful past: She was subpoenaed in 2004 by Texas DA Ronnie Earle as part of his investigation into Tom DeLay. She may have been involved in the effort by DeLay crony Rep. Sam Johnson (R-TX) in sic'ing the IRS on the Texas watchdog group Texans for Public Justice. And she was listed as treasurer for Santorum's Operation Good Neighbor "charity," which used less than half of its money to do actual good deeds.

Or, as the Williams & Jensen Web site -- put it:

'Her clients include the Leadership PACs and campaign committees of several prominent Members of Congress. She also advises the firm's clients on matters involving House and Senate ethics rules, as well as compliance with the Lobbying Disclosure Act.'

Needless to say, we will probably hear more about her sooner rather than later. (Thanks to reader LR.)

Note: Bonfiglio signed Michael J. Malik's MJM Enterprises & Development as a client on Indian and gaming matters while she was concurrenty treasurer of Rep. Richard Pombo's leadership committee RICH PAC. While retaining Bonfiglio's firm, Malik his partners, affiliates and advocates contributed close to $100,000 to Pombo's committees and causes. MJM Enterprises, a brand few would have on their radar, quietly paid Bonfiglio's firm $220,000

Barbara Bonfiglio was associated with Rep. DeLay's "Celebrations for Children"

a press release distributed by Common Cause regarding "Celebrations for Children" (CfC) -- a controversial charity former House Speaker Tom DeLay had organized -- described Barbara Bonfiglio as follows:

"Barbara Bonfiglio (CfC secretary) – Worked as treasurer for Promoting Republicans You Can Elect Project (PRYCE Project), the political action committee for Rep. Deborah Pryce (R-OH). She is a partner for Williams & Jensen, a Washington law and lobbying firm. Bonfiglio’s clients have included DeLay, Rep. David Dreier (R-CA), chairman of the House Rules Committee and Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-CA), as well as Senate Majority Whip Don Nickles (R-OK) and Senate Energy and Natural Resources Chairman Pete V. Domenici (R-NM). In 2003, watchdog groups filed a complaint with the Federal Election Commission alleging that Pryce established two leadership political action committees in violation of campaign finance rules and that eight Republican congressional candidates violated the law by receiving contributions from the PACs. Bonfiglio was listed as the treasurer for the PRYCE Project and the second committee, Value In Electing Women PAC (VIEW PAC)."

Bonfiglio was treasurer for Sen. Santorum's controversial PAC

posted at ThePittsburghChannel.com:

Related To Story Video: Treasurer Of Santorum Charity Out

Team 4: Treasurer Of Santorum Charity Out

POSTED: 5:36 pm EST March 10, 2006

UPDATED: 6:51 pm EST March 10, 2006

The following report by Team 4 investigator Jim Parsons first aired on Channel 4 Action News at 5 p.m. on March 10, 2006.

---

Friday's development follows Team 4's report two days ago, and a report Thursday in the Washington Post that Sen. Rick Santorum has resumed his regular meetings with lobbyists -- even though he vowed in January to put an end to those get-togethers.

Now, the lobbying firm principal who controlled the money at Santorum's re-election campaign and his leadership PAC and his charity is out.

Barbara Bonfiglio, of the Washington lobbying firm Williams and Jensen, is quitting to work for a Fortune 100 company, according to Williams and Jensen CEO Steve Hart.

Hart said Bonfiglio's resignation means she will be stepping down as treasurer of Santorum's re-election committee and his political action committee, known as America's Foundation.

It's unclear if she will also resign her post as treasurer of Operation Good Neighbor, the charity Santorum founded in 2001.

A Team 4 investigation Wednesday showed how Operation Good Neighbor's purse strings and day-to-day operations are run by principals in lobbying firms.

The charity's tax filings reveal that from 2001 to 2004 -- the most recent year available -- Operation Good Neighbor spent $501,000 on grants to community groups. But almost half that amount -- $216,000 -- was spent on travel, meetings and conferences.

Team 4 has asked the senator's office and the charity itself for records that would show who was doing all that traveling for the charity and where they went.

The request continues to be denied.

"If there is no question as to the legitimacy and legality of their operation, then everything ought to be on the table for the media and anyone else to look at," said Gerald Shuster of the University of Pittsburgh.

Shuster, a political analyst, said because Santorum has proclaimed himself to be the GOP's point man on lobbyist reform, he should open the books at Operation Good Neighbor.

"He himself ought to make a statement and come to the forefront and talk to you in person or with any of the media and say here's our books, they're open, they're on the table. You guys can peruse the books and examine them for whatever you think there is there. There's nothing to hide. Here they are," Shuster said.

Team 4 asked Operation Good Neighbor if Barbara Bonfiglio will be replaced as treasurer with another employee of a Washington lobbying firm.

A spokeswoman did not answer that question directly, but said in a written statement that Operation Good Neighbor is currently working to fill the position of treasurer.

Note: Bonfiglio signed Michael J. Malik's MJM Enterprises & Development as a client on Indian and gaming matters while she was concurrenty treasurer of Rep. Richard Pombo's leadership committee RICH PAC. While retaining Bonfiglio's firm, Malik his partners, affiliates and advocates contributed close to $100,000 to Pombo's committees and causes. MJM Enterprises, a brand few would have on their radar, quietly paid Bonfiglio's firm $220,000

Rep. Lewis, Daughter used same PAC Lawyer Barbara Bonfiglio

as posted 6.07.06 at TPMmuckraker:

"Rep. Jerry Lewis (R-CA), the powerful House appropriations chief who's under investigation, hired a lawyer by the name of Barbara Bonfiglio to be treasurer of his own political action committee, Future Leaders PAC.

And who was the treasurer who helped found the Small Biz Tech PAC, run by Lewis' stepdaughter, Julie Willis-Leon? That's right: Barbara Bonfiglio.

Bonfiglio served as treasurer from the time of the group's creation in March 2005 to this February, when she was replaced by William B. Canfield, another partner at Bonfiglio's firm, Williams and Jensen.

Bonfiglio worked for a number of PACs with unfortunate histories of taking shady donations, including both Tom DeLay's ARMPAC, Randy "Duke" Cunningham's American Prosperity PAC.

Around the time she stepped down from being treasurer of Willis-Leon's PAC, she left similar positions with all of the others and abruptly left Williams and Jensen."

Team Ilitch directed $40,000 to RICH Political Action Committee

Detroit casino syndicators Marian Ilitch & Michael Malik, along with their partners, affiliates and lobbyists contributed $40,000 to Rep. Richard Pombo’s RICH Political Action Committee.

That’s two and a half times the combined $16,000 in contributions that got Ilitch and Malik two spots on RICH Pac’s “Top Ten List” (ahead of #10 Jack Abramoff)

1. Rick Kessler (Richard S. Kessler) & former Rep. Billy Evans of Kessler & Associates (K&A), contributed $3,000 to RICH PAC during 2004/05.
   
   Documents on file with the Secretary of the Senate indicate in 2003 and 2004, K&A was retained by Wheat Government Relations, the primary lobbyist for “Team Ilitch,” in an arrangement for K&A to handle gaming and Indian Country matters.
   
   Kessler & Associates was representing Team Ilitch’s interests in Washington, D.C. “under the radar.” Team Ilitch had officially hired Wheat Government Relations and Wheat, in turn, passed through fees retaining Kessler & Associates; to add further curiousity it looks like Wheat may have paid K&A more than Wheat was paid by his collective “Team Ilitch” clients.
   


2. George Baker and Susan Hirschman, Williams & Jensen (Barbara Bonfiglio) contributed $3887 from 2003-06. Bonfiglio, then RICH PAC treasurer, signed Malik (MJM Enterprises & Development) to a lobbying contract in September 2003 for representation on gaming matters. Bonfiglio’s firm was paid $220,000 for representation from 2003-2005.
   


3. Richard Alcalde, Federalist Group/Potomac Partners DC contributed $2,500 on December 7, 2005. By 2006, Ilitch/Malik and affiliates had terminated or mothballed the seven other lobbying firms that had represented their interests at some point since 2002 and placed all of "Team Ilitch's"needs in the hands of Alcalde (Potomac Partners DC) and rookie lobbyist Daniel X. Feliz who joined with Alcalde in 2006. Feliz had a stand alone contract with Michael Malik’s Blue Water Resorts earlier. Malik’s MJM Enterprises and the Shinnecock Indian Nation have retained Alcalde. For 2005 & 2006, Alcalde has been paid an average of $280,000 per year; that’s more than Team Ilitch had previously paid any of the seven other lobbying firms retained between 2002 and 2006.
   


4. Four partners at Mercury Public Affairs (Kieran V. Mahoney; Kirill Goncharenko; Gregory E. Strimple & Michael F. McKeon) contributed $13,000 to RICH PAC on December 7, 2005. There are no records filed with the Secretary of the Senate to suggest Mercury Public Affairs represents any affiliates of "Team Ilitch" in D.C.; however, documents on file in New York indicate the Shinnecock Nation Gaming Authority retained representation by Mercury Public Affairs in New York during 2005 and 2006 for fees of $240,000 per year.

There are no records to suggest anyone affiliated with Wheat Government Relations (the primary lobbying firm representing "Team Ilitch' interests since 2002) contributed to RICH PAC during the ’04 or ’06 cycles.

Team Ilitch and affiliates paid $2.5 million in lobbying fees to eight different lobbying firms including those highlighted here for representation on gaming and Indian matters since 2002; Wheat Government Relations was paid $1 million or 40% of the total lobbying fees. Wheat has not reported any representation of Team Ilitch interests in 2006.

Mike & Marian Ilitch and Michael J. Malik, Sr. contributed collectively $16,000 to RICH PAC and Robert G. “Bob” Guenthardt, Malik’s associate from the Little River Band of Ottawa Indians/Manistee Casino project contributed $1000.

Malik and Ilitch contributed enough to land them two spots (#5 & #9) on RICH PAC’s “Top 10” cumulative donor list, leapfrogging #10 Jack Abramoff; but it didn’t stop there.

Taken in context with contributions from these other Ilitch/Malik partners, agents and affiliates, collectively Team Ilitch contributed $40,000 or more to RICH PAC during the period Rep. Pombo served as Chairman of the House Resources Committee.

This should be taken in context with all of the other involvement Ilitch/Malik had with Pombo from 2004-2006, including: $26,600 delivered to the San Joaquin County GOP Committee; a two-day extravagant hosted $5,000 per person All-Star Game fundraiser in Detroit; two $25,000 contributions delivered to the RNC the day after the All-Star Game; and other gifts including travel.

Note: Under California's political reform laws, Barwest L.L.C. was to have reported the $26,600 contribution made 10/18/04 as a "major donor" in disclosure filings due January 31, 2005. No disclosures were filed. A second reporting period for major donor disclosures ended June 30, 2005. Again no disclosures were filed. Michael J. Malik, Sr. did not file disclosure documentation declaring Barwest L.L.C. a "major donor" until September, 5, 2005 -- nearly a year after making the curious contribution and almost nine months (and two reporting periods) after disclosures were required.

You may want to review these posts:
The Verifiable Truth: Motown's Team Ilitch tops Abramoff on Congressman's "Top 10 List"

Controversial D.C .Lobbyists/PAC Treasurers Barbara Bonfiglio and Mark Valente III have ties to Team Ilitch; Reps J. Lewis, C. Miller, R. Pomb

PAC-Men Lobbyists
Almost 80 members of Congress used corporate lobbyists
to head their fund-raising committees

By Elizabeth Brown and Shaylyn Cochran

WASHINGTON, October 3, 2005 — When lobbyist William Oldaker sits down to negotiate with a member of Congress, he brings years of experience working for the federal government to the table, as well as the legislative resources of his own firm. He also brings quite a bit of money.

Summary of Study Findings

As the treasurer of 23 political committees, groups that raise funds to elect or defeat politicians, Oldaker has signed off on more than $2 million in donations since 1998 to the parties and candidates he is paid to influence, according to a study by the Center for Public Integrity. At the same time that these committees doled out millions to politicians, some 100 companies paid Oldaker's lobbying firms $14 million to influence some of the same lawmakers.

For example, in 2004 four committees that he managed donated a combined $30,000 to Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., the ranking member of the transportation appropriations subcommittee. In that same year, Oldaker lobbied Congress on transportation appropriations issues for at least five of his clients. Oldaker did not return repeated calls from the Center.

Oldaker is just one of hundreds of Washington, D.C., lobbyists who play this dual role, influencing members of Congress while also controlling donations that finance their campaigns.

Lobbyists have served as treasurers for at least 800 political action committees and 68 campaign committees in the past six years, according the Center's study. In that time these committees have spent more than $525 million to influence the political process. In other words, these lobbyist-led committees spent more money than President George W. Bush and Sen. John Kerry raised in combined contributions during the 2004 presidential campaign.

"That is truly a lot of money," said Frances Hill, the tax program director at the Campaign Legal Center and a professor of election law at the University of Miami law school. "I think it is all right for people to band together and hire a lobbyist in an expensive suit to represent their interests, but I don't think it is OK to use [campaign] money as the clincher," she said.

Although there are no restrictions on who can be a committee treasurer, Hill said she was "seriously concerned" that so many lobbyists are filling the position. According to federal election law, the treasurer is responsible for all of a committee's expenditures and is also responsible for monitoring contributions.

Meanwhile as these lobbyist-led PACs donate millions, their firms have raked in $3 billion from 10,610 companies and organizations between 1998 and 2004—constituting one quarter of all federal lobbying expenditures for that period. In addition, 557 companies that spent more than $3.5 billion lobbying employed PAC or campaign treasurers as in-house lobbyists.

Most PACs with lobbyist treasurers were actually formed by their clients. New York Stock Exchange lobbyist Cecile Srodes, for example, was the treasurer of two NYSE PACs in 2004. Under her management that year, the committees donated $11,000 to Rep. Michael Oxley, R-Ohio, while Srodes simultaneously lobbied on the "Broker Accountability through Enhanced Transparency Act," which Oxley co-sponsored.

Lobbying expert Bertram Levine said that appointing a lobbyist as the treasurer of a corporate PAC is a "very poor practice." He said that because corporate PACs raise money from the company's employees, they should be the ones designating where the money goes, not lobbyists.

"It buys access," said Levine, a professor of political science at Colgate University in Hamilton, N.Y., and co-author of a book about lobbying. "And that is not something that should be taken lightly; the opportunity to make the argument is the opportunity to win the argument."

'How you buy influence'

Although Levine said that allowing lobbyists to run corporate PACs raises "red flags," he characterized the practice of having them run campaign committees and leadership PACs as the "most obvious conflict of interest." Campaign committees raise money for a candidate's election; leadership PACs are committees formed by politicians to fund other candidates' campaigns.

"Raising money is how you buy influence," Levine said. "There is a loophole here that needs to be closed or at least more closely monitored."

Since 1998, 79 members of Congress have appointed lobbyists as the treasurers of their campaign committees or leadership PACs. There are 39 sitting members of Congress who currently have lobbyists at the helm of such committees. Lobbyists have also been treasurers for major presidential contenders, including Al Gore's 2000 campaign.

For instance, Harold Ickes, a partner at Ickes & Enright Group, is the treasurer of New York Democratic Sen. Hillary Clinton's campaign committee "Hillary Rodham Clinton For U.S. Senate Committee Inc." Ickes clients have included the insurance company Equitas Ltd. and Verizon Services Group. Rep. Rahm Emanuel, D- Ill., co-sponsor of the recently introduced lobbying reform act, the "Emanuel-Meehan bill" also appointed a lobbyist to oversee his campaign committee, "Friends of Rahm Emanuel." Emmanuel's committee raised more than $4 million under the watch of lobbyist William Singer, whose clients include Sara Lee Corp. and United Airlines.

But these lobbyist-led campaign committees are not limited to the Democratic side of the aisle. Lobbyist Timothy McKeever is the treasurer of Alaska Republican Sen. Ted Stevens' campaign committee, "Stevens for Senate." McKeever said that he has worked on the committee since 1980, before he became a lobbyist.

During McKeever's last two election cycles as treasurer, the committee raised nearly $3 million to influence the political process. He insists, however, that his work as a fund-raiser has no impact on his role as a lobbyist.

"I really don't think there is a connection between the two (positions)," McKeever said. "I do relatively little lobbying work for the senator."

Still, in 2003, McKeever reported lobbying on a Senate appropriations bill rider authored by Stevens that would have eliminated funding for certain habitat protection programs in the North Pacific Ocean. The measure was supported by the commercial fishing industry, including Seattle-based Arctic Storm Management Group, one of McKeever's clients. Despite much opposition by environmentalists and other Republicans in Congress, Stevens attached the rider to the bill. In the end, the bill passed, but without the rider.

McKeever did not comment on the specifics of his lobbying, but said that his committee position does not give him any special advantages in attracting clients. "I don't believe they hire me because of it," McKeever said. "Whether (an advantage) is something they perceive, I don't know."

Among the lobbyists overseeing leadership PACs is the Republican political consultant Mark Valente. He serves as the treasurer of 15 PACs, nearly all of which are leadership PACs, including those of House Republicans Joe Wilson, S.C.; Mike Ferguson, N.J.; and Mike Rogers, Mich. [and Candice Miller (CANDICE PAC), Mich.]

Valente, who heads his own lobbying firm Valente & Associates, said he does not believe any conflicts of interest result from heading the leadership PACs of several members of Congress while lobbying. Although at times the job requires fund-raising, Valente said that the majority of his tasks as treasurer involve filling out forms and keeping banking records.

"The members are looking for people they can trust, and we want to help our friends out," Valente said. "And they are already our friends."

Only a few of his clients donate to the PACs he oversees, Valente said, and not many of them have PACs that could make contributions. "Just as we encourage our clients to donate to like-minded members of Congress, we would not exclude the PACs," he said.

By the book

While lobbyists like William Oldaker and Mark Valente are connected to many PACs, neither of them hold the record for the most committees controlled by a registered lobbyist. That distinction belongs to political savant Barbara W. Bonfiglio.

During her tenure as a lobbyist from 1998 to 2001, Bonfiglio mastered the demanding jobs of both overseeing the finances of 31 political committees—more than half of which were campaign committees and leadership PACs—while lobbying for six companies at the D.C. law firm Williams & Jensen. In addition to running FEC-regulated committees, Bonfiglio was also the treasurer of five 527 organizations once connected to members of Congress, which were allowed to raise money without contribution limits.

[Bonfiglio signed Michael J. Malik's MJM Enterprises & Development as a client on Indian and gaming matters while she was concurrenty treasurer of Rep. Richard Pombo's leadership committee RICH PAC. While retaining Bonfiglio's firm, Malik his partners, affiliates and advocates contributed close to $100,000 to Pombo's committees and causes. MJM, a brand few would have on their radar, quietly paid Bonfiglio's firm $220,000]

Though balancing such a vast array of lobbying and campaign finance interests at one time may seem difficult, Bonfiglio could be considered an expert. She wrote the book on it—literally. The attorney is author of How to Cross the Potomac without Falling In, a guide to following the Lobbying Disclosure Act, Federal Election Commission regulations and House and Senate gift rules.

http://www.publicintegrity.org/lobby/report.aspx?aid=750